By Bantii Qixxeessaa
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Ethiopia stands at a political crossroads. Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed claims to promote the National Dialogue as a path to peace, replacing war with the “supremacy of ideas” (ENA, 2025). But behind this rhetoric lies a stark reality: the dialogue process is neither inclusive nor democratic. It is part of a broader campaign to dismantle Ethiopia’s multi-national federal system and concentrate power in a presidential model that centralizes authority and marginalizes dissent. Rather than healing fractures that the state is suffering from, this agenda risks repeating the very patterns of domination that fractured the country in the first place. |
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Today, this constitutional arrangement is under attack.
Proposals are circulating to replace identity-based federalism with regional
zones based on geography or economic logic (The Reporter, 2025).
Though framed as administrative reform, these proposals erase the foundational
recognition of Ethiopia’s ethnic diversity and ignore the historical grievances
that necessitated federalism in the first place.
The "Layered Identity" Trap
To legitimize this shift, Prime Minister Abiy has introduced
the concept of “layered identities,” in which ethnic or national affiliations are to be
secondary to a broader Ethiopian supra- national identity, primarily rooted in the history of the highland Abyssinian empire. This concept presents a
façade of inclusivity but, in practice, imposes a hierarchy.
The message is unmistakable: you cannot be culturally
distinct so long as you submit politically. While ethnic identity may be
tolerated in the private realm, political expression and autonomy are
systematically constrained. This echoes past regimes that criminalized local
languages, erased indigenous names, and denied meaningful political agency.
Identity, in this context, is political. And forcing people
to choose between their heritage and their citizenship is not a formula for
unity, it’s a blueprint for resentment and resistance.
A Dialogue That Excludes Is Not a Dialogue
The National Dialogue, as currently designed, excludes key
stakeholders, most notably the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA), the Tigray People’s
Liberation Front (TPLF), and significant civil society actors (Heinrich
Böll Stiftung, 2024). Instead of creating space for genuine debate, the
process has been orchestrated to entrench the ruling party’s vision.
Military operations continue in Oromia and Amhara.
Journalists are detained. Political dissent is repressed (SWP,
2024). These realities render the notion of open dialogue hollow. You
cannot negotiate peace while waging war. You cannot build trust while silencing
opposition.
From Dialogue to Domination & The International Community
Role
According to the Heinrich Böll Stiftung’s July 2024 report,
the National Dialogue Commission was formed through a deeply flawed process.
Out of 632 nominees, only 11 commissioners were appointed, through procedures
viewed as opaque and partisan (Heinrich
Böll Stiftung, 2024).
Rather than acting as an impartial body, the commission is
being used to push for sweeping constitutional changes. Chief among them is a
shift toward a presidential system that would erase federal autonomy and
consolidate executive power in Finfinnee (Addis Ababa).
The German Institute for International and Security Affairs
(SWP) warns that international donors risk enabling authoritarian consolidation
under the guise of democratic reform (SWP,
2024). Support from the UNDP, EU, Germany, Norway, and others must be
conditional on restructuring the dialogue into a truly inclusive, transparent,
and participatory process.
Without these safeguards, international support serves not
peace but power consolidation.
Why Multi-National Federalism Still Matters
Critics of multi-national federalism argue that it has fractured
Ethiopia. But the real issue is the state’s failure to implement it fully.
Where autonomy was promised, centralism followed. Where identity was
recognized, it was politically constrained.
Multi-national federalism is not a historical anomaly. In fact,
several multi-national states have achieved stability through decentralized
governance. Switzerland sustains unity through linguistic and cultural
autonomy. Belgium has maintained peace by balancing Flemish and Walloon
interests through federal structures. Canada continues to navigate
French-Canadian identity through strong provincial self-rule. Even the fragile
federation of Açaba shows that negotiated diversity is more durable than
enforced uniformity (Glenny, 2012, The Fall of Yugoslavia: The Third Balkan
War. Penguin).
Presidentialism and Federalism: A Volatile Mix
Multi-national or Ethnic federations and presidential systems are structurally
at odds. Federalism decentralizes power to culturally distinct regions, giving
local communities the tools to govern themselves. Presidentialism, by contrast,
centralizes executive power in one office, often weakening regional checks.
When combined, these systems tend to clash: the center
demands control, while the periphery demands autonomy. This structural tension
breeds mistrust and, in states with weak institutions, fuels instability.
There are no successful, developed countries today that
combine a strong presidential system with formal multi-national or ethnic federalism. The few
that have tried either drifted into authoritarianism or fragmented under
pressure. Parliamentary systems with strong regional autonomy, such as those in
Switzerland and Canada, have proven far more effective at managing multi-national diversity within a unified state.
Unity Without Justice Is Just Another Form of Control
The government’s rhetoric of unity cannot substitute for
justice. Ethiopia’s history is littered with failed attempts to impose national
identity at the expense of local dignity. Unity that demands silence is not
unity, it is domination.
Real peace begins with power-sharing, recognition, and
autonomy. A dialogue that denies these principles is not a path forward. It’s a
repeat of past mistakes, repackaged in technocratic language.
What a Legitimate Dialogue Requires
If Ethiopia is to chart a peaceful, democratic future, the
national dialogue must start with first principles.
All stakeholders must be included, armed groups, opposition
parties, civil society, and communities that have historically been silenced.
Groups like the Oromo Liberation Army and others cannot be excluded from the
table and then expected to accept decisions made in their absence.
The commission overseeing the process must not be imposed by
political elites. Its formation must result from broad, consultative engagement
that reflects the diversity of Ethiopia’s political landscape.
Finally, the dialogue’s agenda, structure, and scope must be
co-designed by all parties. This is the only way to build legitimacy. Anything
less is a public performance dressed up as national consensus.
The Path Forward: Consent, Not Coercion
The international community must recognize that form without
substance is not progress. Support must be tied to genuine inclusion, real
transparency, and structural reforms, not hollow gestures.
If Ethiopia is to survive and thrive, unity must be earned
through equity, not enforced through erasure. Diversity must be embraced, not
managed out of existence. And constitutional rights must be honored, not
quietly rewritten.
Ethiopia’s future hinges on consent, not coercion. The only
way forward is through real dialogue, self-determination, and real democratic
power-sharing if the various units wish to form a union.
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