O-Dispatch #16A – Oromo Unity & Struggle: From Vision to Action, A Practical Roadmap for Oromo Unity

(Published as part of the “Oromo Unity & Struggle: Essays on Freedom and the Future” series. Everyone is invited to contribute. Send your contributions to bantii.qixxeessaa@gmail.com.)

By Bantii Qixxeessaa

🎧 Listen to the Audio Version (13 minutes)

Following the publication of O-Dispatch #16 – Oromo Unity: A Call for Shared Principles Over Symbolic Gestures, a thoughtful reader wrote to me, saying: “I hope your next message on this BlogSpot will address the practical steps to be taken that will help as a guideline and remedy for the problems or shortcomings you mentioned above. Yet you can contact the able Oromo individuals and work on the comprehensive solutions.” The sentiment expressed is one I deeply respect. The yearning for actionable steps and the desire to see influential Oromo actors come together to solve the persistent problem of disunity is not only understandable—it is urgent.

With regard to reaching out to capable Oromo individuals and bringing them together to formulate a unified path forward, I must acknowledge that this is not a new idea—and I am certainly not the first, or the best positioned, to take it on. Over the past several years, numerous individuals and groups far more experienced and connected than I am have made commendable efforts toward that goal, often with great sincerity but limited success.

For example, a group known as “Oromo Conversation,” which I understand was initially convened by Oromo human rights organizations and supported by Dr. Trevor Trueman, has been working persistently for over three years to foster meaningful dialogue among Oromo actors.

Another initiative by “Gurmuu Hoogganoota fi Qondaalota ABO Duranii”—a network of former leaders and senior officials of the Oromo Liberation Front—reportedly circulated invitations a couple of years ago with the same purpose in mind: to bring about a durable solution to Oromo political fragmentation. I am not fully aware of what came of that effort, but it speaks to the persistent will to overcome our divisions.

More recently, a newer initiative under the name “Horn Conversation” convened discussions just a few weeks ago. I am encouraged by their energy and the fact that they are pushing the conversation forward. Even more importantly, I hope these groups—despite working on parallel tracks—will begin to coordinate, pool their resources, and reinforce one another in the collective effort to “design a solution” to our unity problem.

As for myself, I must be honest. The field is already crowded with initiatives and actors more prominent and influential than I. My joining would neither add unique value nor bring about the breakthroughs that have so far eluded others with greater reach, legitimacy, and organizing capacity. I am neither dismissive of these efforts nor cynical about their potential. Quite the opposite—I support and root for their success.

That said, while I may not be the one to convene summits or broker accords, I believe I can still contribute meaningfully by doing what I do best: offering a structured guideline—an actionable framework—for others to build upon, refine, and adapt to their own context. If what I offer can be of use to those working at the frontlines of this challenge, then I will have served the cause in my own small way.

In that spirit, I present the following practical roadmap—a proposal that translates the critique presented in Dispatch #16 into tangible next steps. It is not exhaustive, nor is it prescriptive. It is a starting point—a contribution to the effort to move Oromo unity from a slogan to a system, from aspiration to implementation.

From Symbolism to System: A Practical Roadmap for Oromo Unity

I.                    Establish Foundational Consensus

1.      Convene a National Dialogue Among Key Actors

·         Bring together representatives from political parties, liberation fronts, civil society, scholars, and diaspora organizers.

·         Center the dialogue on defining a shared end goal—whether it is federal reform, as advocated by the OFC, or self-determination up to and including full independence, as pursued by the OLF and OLA.

·         Ground all deliberations in Gadaa values—consensus, deliberation, accountability.

2.      Adopt a Common Minimum Program

·         Develop a political compact around non-negotiables:

o    Commitment to dismantling imperial structures.

o    Affirming the right to self-determination, including independence—a right explicitly recognized in the Ethiopian constitution. No organization that claims to work in the interest of the Oromo people should take issue with this.

o    Recognition of both armed and nonviolent resistance as legitimate forms of struggle.

o    Creation of mechanisms for internal conflict resolution

 II.                  Build Coordinated Organizational Structures

1. Establish a Unified Coordinating Body

·         Form a Council of Oromo Liberation to harmonize efforts across sectors—diplomatic, political, cultural, and military.

·         Assign task-specific subcommittees for advocacy, education, fundraising, and security.

2. Harmonize Armed and Non-Armed Struggles

·         Develop protocols for coordination between peaceful and armed actors.

·         Avoid contradictory public messaging; maintain narrative coherence.

3. Launch a Political Education Initiative

·         Train youth and cadres through digital platforms and local institutions.

·         Teach Gadaa values, democratic norms, and Oromo liberation history to inoculate against internal manipulation and external distortion.

 III.                Overcoming Legal Barriers to Strategic Coordination

 

One of the major obstacles facing our movement is the legal prohibition, under Ethiopian law, against cooperation between legally operating political organizations and those engaged in armed resistance. The Oromo Liberation Army (OLA) is designated as a terrorist organization by the state, and any formal collaboration by a legal party can result in prosecution.

 

However, there is a critical distinction that we must understand and assert:

The Ethiopian Constitution explicitly recognizes the right of Nations, Nationalities, and Peoples to self-determination—including the right to secede. Article 39 guarantees that:

 

“Every Nation, Nationality and People in Ethiopia shall have the unrestricted right to self-determination up to secession.”

 

This means that political parties and civil society organizations operating within Ethiopia are not breaking the law by demanding self-determination up to independence, so long as they remain committed to peaceful methods. Advocacy for self-determination—even secession—is not only politically legitimate; it is constitutionally protected.

 

That said, direct collaboration with armed groups remains legally risky. The solution lies in careful, strategic separation of roles without sacrificing unity of purpose. Here’s how:

 

1.      Strategic Separation of Roles Without Strategic Disunity

·         Legal parties operate strictly within the law and distance themselves operationally from proscribed groups.

·         At the same time, they boldly affirm the Oromo people’s right to full self-determination—including independence, should the people choose it.

·         Armed resistance continues separately, respecting the legal constraints faced by civilian actors.

2.      Create an External Coordination Entity Based in the Diaspora

·         Establish a non-partisan Oromo Strategy Forum or similar platform located abroad to facilitate alignment of vision and political messaging.

·         This body serves as an indirect link between the various arms of the struggle—including peaceful and armed resistance—while remaining within the bounds of Ethiopian law. The specific mechanisms can be refined through further discussion.

3.      Advance a Shared Program Without Explicit Coordination

·         Legal actors inside Ethiopia articulate shared goals (such as sovereignty, justice, self-determination, and dignity) without referencing specific actors.

·         This preserves constitutional protection while contributing to strategic cohesion.

4.      Use International Norms to Reframe the Narrative

·         Advocate with international partners to view the Oromo struggle through the lens of human rights, anti-colonial resistance, and democratic self-determination—not criminality.

·         Position peaceful actors as partners for political dialogue, not proxies for proscribed movements.

5.      Mobilize Around Broad-Based Civic Issues

·         Strengthen local movements focused on human rights, land security, language rights, displacement, and state violence.

·         These movements build community capacity and public engagement while staying within legal frameworks.

 

In short, we can, and must, organize along multiple tracks with a unified vision. By asserting our constitutional rights and employing strategic discipline, we protect our legal actors while reinforcing the legitimacy of the liberation cause.

 IV.               Coordinate Diaspora Mobilization

1.      Standardize Fundraising and Oversight

·         Establish one accountable structure to consolidate diaspora financial contributions.

·         Enforce transparency and create clear lines of reporting to avoid duplication and misuse.

2.      Create a Global Advocacy Network

·         Mobilize Oromo communities worldwide to engage with policymakers, media, and international institutions using coordinated campaigns.

3.      Use Technology to Centralize Organizing

·         Build a secure Oromo Unity Portal for:

o    Volunteer recruitment

o    Central resource sharing

o    Event and initiative tracking

o    Communication with local and global supporters

 V.                  Institutionalize Conflict Resolution

1.      Create a National Oromo Mediation Body

·         Draw from elders, legal scholars, and veteran liberation leaders

·         Use Gadaa-based deliberation to mediate disputes and prevent factionalism

2.      Embed Accountability Across the Movement

·         Develop an Oromo Liberation Ethics Charter to guide conduct

·         Establish public-facing review boards to ensure transparency and community trust

 VI.               Inspire and Sustain Public Confidence

1.      Reignite Mass Engagement

·         Organize town halls, festivals, and community dialogues across Oromia and the diaspora.

·         Celebrate local heroes and successful grassroots initiatives.

2.      Launch a Unified Media Platform

·         Establish an Oromo media consortium to reflect the unified narrative and regularly update supporters.

·         Counter misinformation and amplify coordinated messaging.

3.      Deliver Tangible Wins

·         Launch small-scale projects under the unified movement’s banner to show results:

o    Humanitarian relief

o    Community defense

o    Cultural revitalization

o    Legal aid and political education workshops

 Conclusion: Unity Through Structure and Struggle

The Oromo people have paid a steep price for disunity—diplomatically, politically, and emotionally. It is time to stop lamenting fragmentation and begin building coordination. Not every Oromo needs to join the same organization. But we must row in the same direction, with discipline, with shared vision, and with structures that can carry us forward.

Let unity not be something we declare once in a while, but something we build, step by step, until it becomes not just a hope, but a habit. Not just a wish, but a system.

 

 

O-Dispatch 19-D – Oromia Rising - Reiterating The Case for Independence: Justice, Peace, Stability, and Development

(Published as part of the “Oromia Rising: Essays on Freedom and the Future” series. Everyone is invited to contribute. Send your contributions to bantii.qixxeessaa@gmail.com.)

By Bantii Qixxeessaa

🎧 Listen to the Audio Version (6 minutes)

Independence is not an escape. It is a solution, a foundation for justice, a path to peace, and a chance to build a stable and prosperous future.  In earlier installments, Oromia Rising 19-A and 19-B, I established the failure of Ethiopian federalism and the urgent need for clarity of purpose, while 19-C rebutted the most common objections to independence and the demand for independence now. The next logical step in Oromia Rising 19-D is to address—or rather, to reiterate—what an independent Oromia would actually offer its people, and how it would lead to meaningful, positive change.

In this installment, I turn to the heart of the matter: Why is independence good for Oromia? What does it offer that continued union with the Ethiopian empire does not? These questions have been explored in some of my earlier writings, but I return to them now to reaffirm the case—clearly, boldly, and with continued conviction.

So, why is independence good for Oromia? What does it offer that continued union with the Ethiopian empire does not?

The answer is simple: independence is not just desirable, it is necessary. It is not a luxury, it is a necessity for survival, dignity, and progress. For Oromia, it is the only viable path to justice, peace, stability, and development because remaining within the Ethiopian state has meant enduring systemic violence, economic exploitation, and political exclusion. Decades of attempts at reform, federation, and political compromise have failed to protect Oromo lives, restore Oromo dignity, or build institutions that serve the people. Remaining within the Ethiopian state has meant enduring systemic violence, economic exploitation, and political exclusion. Every promise of inclusion has ended in betrayal.

Only through full sovereignty can Oromia build a justice system rooted in its values, ensure peace through self-determined security, construct stable and accountable institutions, and direct its vast resources toward the development of its own people. Without the power to govern itself, Oromia will remain at the mercy of a collapsing empire.

Independence is not a luxury, it is a necessity for survival, dignity, and progress.

Once again, why is independence good for Oromia? What does it offer that continued union with the Ethiopian empire does not?

 

1.      Justice: Ending the Cycle of Repression and Impunity

For over a century, Oromo lives have been treated as disposable—massacred without accountability, imprisoned without due process, and silenced without cause. From the Minilik invasions to the killings of Hachalu Hundessa and Batte Urgessa, the Ethiopian state has never delivered justice to the Oromo people. An independent Oromia would allow us to:

 

·         Build a justice system rooted in our values and traditions

·         Investigate and memorialize past atrocities

·         Hold perpetrators accountable—no matter how powerful

·         Guarantee equal protection under the law for all our people

 

Without sovereignty, there is no justice. And without justice, there can be no peace.

 

2.      Peace: Security Through Consent, Not Coercion

Oromia today is a war zone—its people under occupation, its youth hunted, its towns patrolled by foreign command. Ethiopia has no viable model for peaceful coexistence; it rules through force, not legitimacy. Independence would enable:

 

·         Demilitarization of our communities

·         Local control of our security forces

·         Peace agreements rooted in mutual respect, not imperial dictates

·         An end to internal colonialism and the violence it breeds

 

True peace is not the absence of war—it is the presence of freedom.

 

3.      Stability: Building Institutions That Serve the People

The Ethiopian state is unraveling—corruption, coups, civil war, and constitutional collapse have become the norm. Oromia’s fate should not be tied to a sinking ship. An independent Oromia would allow us to:

 

·         Design a system of governance based on Gadaa and democratic principles

·         Build institutions accountable to our people, not to an imperial center

·         Create a stable political culture that values service, transparency, and civic duty

·         Prevent future tyrannies by embedding checks, balances, and citizen participation

 

Stability comes from self-rule—not imposed order.

 

4.      Development: Investing in Oromia, for Oromians

Oromia is rich in land, water, minerals, and human potential. Yet its people remain poor—its economy drained to serve the empire. Roads are built to extract, not connect. Cities grow by feeding on rural Oromia as inequality deepens. Independence would mean:

 

·         Controlling and reinvesting our own resources

·         Designing development plans around Oromo needs and priorities

·         Supporting agriculture, education, health, and innovation tailored to our context

·         Ending economic dependency on hostile forces that loot more than they build

 

Development is not a gift from the empire, it is a right we must secure through freedom.

 

5.      Dignity: The Right to Be Ourselves, Freely

To be Oromo in the empire has always meant to be second-class. Our language, history, names, and heroes have been erased, distorted, or suppressed. Even today, we must ask permission to speak, to learn, to live as ourselves. With independence, we gain:

 

·         Full cultural and linguistic rights

·         An education system grounded in Oromo heritage

·         The power to celebrate and elevate our identity without fear

·         The right to define ourselves—not be defined by others

 

Independence is the restoration of our dignity. Nothing less will suffice.

Conclusion: A Better Future Is Possible, But Not Inside the Empire

We are told to be patient. To accept reform. To place our trust in a collapsing system that has failed us time and again.

But we have learned the hard truths:

1. Empires do not reform. They decay.
2. Justice does not descend from above. It must be built from within.
3. Peace does not come through submission. It comes through sovereignty.
4. Stability does not grow from chaos. It grows from clarity of purpose.
5. Development does not trickle down. It rises when a people stand tall and free.

And we now declare, without hesitation:

6. Oromia has waited long enough.
7. We do not seek independence to punish others, but to heal ourselves.
8. We do not seek revenge. We seek responsibility.
9. We are not fleeing from Ethiopia. We are rising for Oromia.
10. Independence is not the end of the road—it is the beginning of a better one.

Let us walk that road—together, and with courage.