By Bantii Qixxeessaa
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Throughout modern Oromo history, the call for unity has echoed across generations. Yet time and again, well-intentioned alliances have faltered, not due to a lack of patriotism or sacrifice, but because they were built on symbolism rather than substance. Today, in a moment of deep crisis and historic opportunity, we must renew our pursuit of unity, but this time, grounded in shared principles, strategic clarity, and coordinated struggle. The Problem with Symbolic Unity Too often, declarations of Oromo unity have come in the form of press statements, temporary coalitions, or public events that |
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celebrate common heritage while sidestepping uncomfortable strategic differences. These gestures offer fleeting hope but crumble under pressure, particularly when faced with repression, political co-optation, or internal mistrust. Unity built on photo opportunities and vague slogans cannot sustain a national liberation movement.
History offers painful lessons. A clear example is the
formation of the United Liberation Forces of Oromia (ULFO) in the early 2000s.
Announced with great fanfare as a coalition of armed and political groups
committed to the Oromo cause, ULFO raised significant expectations among the
Oromo public and diaspora. But beneath the surface, the alliance lacked
ideological cohesion, a clear chain of command, and a unified political
strategy. Within a few years, the coalition had unraveled, and the hope it
symbolized gave way to disillusionment. It remains a cautionary tale of unity
pursued for appearance rather than purpose.
A more recent case unfolded post 2018, when the Oromo
Liberation Front (OLF) and several exiled Oromo political organizations
returned to Ethiopia during a wave of political openings. The moment was
historic and charged with symbolic power. Prominent Oromo figures helped
facilitate the effort, and Lemma Megersa, then seen as a rising political star,
was expected to lead a new chapter of unified Oromo leadership - "Gaaddisa Hoggansa Oromoo". But again, the
unity lacked a common political program, a shared position on the structure of
the Ethiopian state, or a functioning mechanism to resolve internal
disagreements. Personal rivalries, ideological contradictions, and external
manipulation quickly unraveled the effort. Within months, the coalition that
was in its infancy had disintegrated into infighting and organizational drift.
Symbolic unity is not only insufficient, it can be harmful.
It creates the illusion of cohesion while masking deep disagreements and
discouraging honest political dialogue. Worse still, it can be weaponized by
opportunists who use the rhetoric of unity to advance personal agendas. In
doing so, they silence legitimate debate by accusing those who disagree with
them of causing division among the Oromo.
Just three years ago, those who advocated for armed struggle were branded as bloodthirsty extremists sowing the seeds of Oromo disunity. Today, those who call for strategic clarity by raising the question of Oromia’s independence are similarly accused of creating division. For some, the Oromo are considered united only when everyone accepts their narrow definition of symbolic unity.
Unity Based on Shared Principles
True Oromo unity must rest on foundational agreements, principles
that define both the goal and the path of our collective journey.
First and foremost, there must be a firm and unambiguous
commitment to dismantling the imperial structures of the Ethiopian state. These
structures have historically denied the Oromo people freedom, dignity, and the
right to shape their own destiny.
Second, unity must include a collective affirmation of the
right to self-determination. This right must extend not just to cultural
autonomy or regional self-rule, but to the possibility of full independence if
the Oromo people so choose. Any alliance that avoids this principle weakens the
moral and legal foundation of the liberation struggle.
Third, the movement must recognize the legitimacy of both
armed resistance and mass-based civilian struggle. These are not contradictory
paths but complementary tools in the broader fight against colonial domination.
Attempts to delegitimize either path only serve the interests of the oppressor.
Finally, Oromo unity must be rooted in inclusive governance
models that reflect Gadaa values, with accountability, popular
participation, deliberative decision-making, and cultural affirmation at their
core. Without these principles as its backbone, unity becomes an empty word.
These values are not mere ideals, they are operational imperatives that must shape organizational conduct, strategic choices, and public messaging.
From Rhetoric to Coordinated Action
Unity without action is a mirage. For example, the early
2000 formation of United Oromo Liberation Forces (ULFO) created the appearance
of unity among Oromo armed and political groups. Yet, in the absence of joint
operations, shared planning, or concrete collaboration, the alliance quickly
became irrelevant. It projected strength but lacked substance, ultimately dissolving
without achieving any strategic gains.
On the other hand, action without unity leads to
fragmentation. Consider the aftermath of the OLF’s and other opposition groups
return to Oromia in 2018. While various Oromo political and armed actors
engaged actively, mobilizing supporters, organizing rallies, and contesting
local power, they did so without a coordinated framework. Competing agendas,
mutual suspicion, and lack of unified leadership led to internal rivalries,
contradictory messaging, and missed opportunities. The momentum of that
critical moment was squandered not for lack of action, but for lack of
cohesion.
What we should call for now is neither empty declarations
nor scattered initiatives, but unity through coordinated struggle, political,
diplomatic, military, and cultural, toward a shared end: the full liberation
and self-governance of Oromia.
This means that those who have chosen the path of peaceful political engagement, as loyal opposition within the system, must go beyond rhetoric and actively conduct peaceful struggle. Merely proclaiming loyalty to nonviolent methods is not enough; they must organize, mobilize, educate, and challenge the system with clarity and consistency. Similarly, those engaged in armed struggle must strengthen their discipline, unity, and operational effectiveness. Whether peaceful or armed, all branches of the liberation effort must be judged not by declarations, but by actions and measurable impact. The Oromo people deserve a movement that delivers results, not just speeches.
The Cost of Disunity
The price of disunity is no longer theoretical. It has
already been paid, repeatedly, by the Oromo people.
First, disunity has led to a serious loss of credibility in
the eyes of regional and international actors. In both 1991 and again after
2018, many embassies, humanitarian agencies, and policy institutions initially
sought to engage Oromo representatives, only to find themselves confused by
infighting, factionalism, and contradictory messaging. The absence of a
coherent front undermined external trust and hampered diplomatic leverage.
Second, our political narrative has been diluted. Some
factions promote federal reform while others advocate for full independence, at
least when addressing Oromo audiences, and many avoid articulating a long-term
vision at all. This lack of clarity has enabled adversaries to mischaracterize
the movement as incoherent or extremist, and it has weakened our capacity to
rally national and international solidarity.
Third, disunity results in wasted resources, human,
material, and financial. Multiple diaspora fundraising structures operate
independently, with no oversight or coordination. In some cases, funds are
duplicated, misallocated, or even used to undermine rival groups. The
operational difficulties and conflict between the WBO Task Force, Tumsa WBO,
and Utubaa WBO, which seems to have been resolved now after causing great
damage to diaspora support for OLA, is a case in point, where overlapping
mandates, rivalries, and lack of coordination have undermined efficiency and
unity in supporting the armed struggle.
Finally, and perhaps most dangerously, disunity has demoralized our people. Many Oromos who once celebrated the return of liberation leaders and cheered the promise of a united front are now disillusioned. Internal accusations, organizational splits, and even armed clashes between Oromo factions have led to despair. Who could forget the sea of Oromos who flooded Finfinne’s Meskel Square to welcome the OLF leadership back home? Where are they today? Their energy, their hope, their belief in the promise of unity has faded, not because they were wrong to hope, but because their leaders failed to deliver. The energy of the people has not disappeared, it has been paralyzed by disappointment.
A Strategic Vision for Oromo Liberation
To break this cycle, we need a shared roadmap, one that
defines the end goal, clarifies the route, and builds consensus around the
means.
The goal must be clearly stated: not merely resisting domination
but achieving liberation and self-rule. That clarity will sharpen our
diplomacy, strengthen our messaging, and inspire our people.
The route forward must include internal consensus on the
major strategic question: Is the Oromo struggle aimed at federal reform or
national independence? The failure to answer this question collectively has
created a dangerous ambiguity.
Furthermore, we must invest in political education. The next
generation must understand not just what we oppose, but what we stand for.
Political education rooted in Gadaa values, liberation history, and democratic
norms will prepare future leaders and inoculate our movement against
manipulation.
Lastly, unity must include mechanisms for internal conflict resolution. Disagreements are natural. But they must be addressed through institutionalized processes, rooted in Gadaa principles of deliberation, accountability, and restorative justice, rather than public feuds or quiet withdrawals.
Conclusion: Unity Through Struggle, Not Ceremony
Oromo unity cannot be a ritual we perform; it must be a
political project we build. The liberation of Oromia will not be delivered by
declarations or dreams. It must be won through principled alliances,
disciplined struggle, and unwavering clarity of purpose.
This is a moment of reckoning. Either we rise to the
challenge with the maturity and vision history demands of us, or we consign our
people to another generation of unfulfilled promises.
Let us choose the harder path, the principled path. Let us
build unity not on symbols, but on shared struggle. Let us make the dream of a
free and self-governing Oromia not just imaginable, but inevitable.