By Bantii Qixxeessaa
🎧 Listen to the Audio Version (8 minutes)
For decades, a fundamental question has shaped Oromo political discourse: Can the Ethiopian state be reformed from within, or must it be dismantled and replaced altogether? The stories of four influential Oromo figures, Taye Dendea, Lemma Megersa, Jawar Mohammed, and Bekele Gerba, offer a resounding and painful answer. |
---|
Though their methods and moments
differed, each attempted to enact change from inside the system. Each hoped, or
perhaps believed, that reform was possible. And each, ultimately, was betrayed
by the very state they sought to reform.
Reform from Within: A Common
Beginning
Taye Dendea entered the
Prosperity Party with a vision of peace and transformation. Appointed State
Minister for Peace in 2021, he became complicit in the criminalization of Oromo
identity, particularly through the designation of the Oromo Liberation Army
(OLA) as a terrorist organization. When he finally broke ranks in 2023,
publicly criticizing the regime’s repression, the backlash was swift:
dismissal, arrest, and re-arrest in June 2025.
Lemma Megersa, a former
key architect of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s rise, took a principled stand when
he opposed Abiy’s centralization agenda. He is widely known for his remark,
'Being Ethiopian is an addiction,' a phrase that captured both admiration and
controversy. Though he remained loyal to Ethiopia as a state, his dissent led
to political isolation, removal from office, and effective silencing. The
moment soldiers surrounded his home, it became clear that even the most senior
insiders are not safe once they challenge the state’s direction.
Jawar Mohammed, a
charismatic activist-turned-politician, was initially embraced by the regime
and hailed as a bridge to the Oromo youth. He even helped disarm some OLA
fighters in support of the state’s agenda. But the assassination of artist
Hachalu Hundessa in 2020 marked a turning point. Jawar’s arrest and two-year
imprisonment made clear: loyalty is rewarded only when it serves the regime’s
interests,and revoked the moment one asserts independent power.
Bekele Gerba, a lifelong
advocate of nonviolence and peaceful resistance, also worked to facilitate
disarmament on behalf of the regime. Yet he, too, was repeatedly arrested and
vilified. His unwavering commitment to dialogue was not met with respect, but
with suspicion and repression, proving that even the mildest dissent becomes
intolerable when it confronts the state’s foundational interests.
A Pattern, Not a Coincidence
These four stories reflect a
larger truth. The Ethiopian state does not merely resist change, it punishes it.
Regardless of strategy, armed or peaceful, radical or reformist, Oromo figures
who assert agency within the system are systematically discarded.
What unites Taye, Lemma, Jawar,
and Bekele is not just their Oromo identity, but their belief that reform from
within was possible. What condemned them was not betrayal of the state, but
their refusal to betray their people when the moment of truth arrived.
Their experiences are not
anomalies. They are evidence.
The Imperial Logic of the
Ethiopian State
To understand why this pattern
persists, one must examine the nature of the Ethiopian state itself. It is not
merely a multi-national federation in theory and an authoritarian regime in
practice, it is imperial in its very design. Built on conquest and sustained by
centralization, it prioritizes domination and hierarchy over equality and
consent.
Its institutions are not
malfunctioning, they are operating precisely as intended. The Ethiopian state
does not tolerate genuine power-sharing. It only tolerates subordination. In
such a system, Oromo political participation is permitted only so long as it
reinforces central authority.
The moment it becomes a vehicle
for genuine Oromo agency, it is criminalized.
There is no safe or dignified way
to be Oromo in a state built to suppress Oromo identity.
Four Lives, Four Lessons
The experiences of these four men
offer clear lessons that must inform Oromo political strategy:
Liasson #1. Reform Is a
Mirage: Each of these figures attempted reform, and each failed, not for lack of
courage or capability, but because the system does not allow meaningful change.
Participation is often a trap, not a path forward. Oromo nationalists must
avoid prolonging the life of a state that was never built to serve them.
Lesson #2. Loyalty Offers
No Protection: From high-ranking ministers to nonviolent dissidents, all four
were eventually punished. The state’s tolerance is transactional. The moment
you assert independent thought, you become a threat. Joining the system
requires full surrender of conscience.
Lesson #3. Division Is a
Weapon: The regime thrives by fracturing Oromo unity, federalists vs.
separatists, OLA vs. OLF, diaspora vs. locals. But repression is
indiscriminate. Unity is not optional, it is essential. Oromos still serving the
regime must understand that their participation enables the weaponization of
division. The time to defect is now.
Lesson #4. Resistance Is
the Only Path Forward: The Oromo struggle cannot be advanced through
appeasement. It requires principled resistance, political organizing,
coordinated defections, and the construction of an alternative political
project rooted in self-determination and collective dignity.
The Reform Illusion Must Die
Taye Dendea, Lemma Megersa, Jawar
Mohammed, and Bekele Gerba are more than cautionary tales. Their stories form a
collective indictment of a system that rewards silence and punishes integrity. They
tried to reform. But they were discarded despite their loyalty, and because
they spoke up against injustice
committed against the Oromo People.
The Ethiopian state cannot be
reformed from within. It was not built for inclusion; it was built for control.
Oromo political movements must
abandon the illusion that they can transform an imperial order by participating
in it. The future lies in resistance, unity, and the courageous
work of building a new political vision, one grounded in Oromo
self-determination and culminating in the eventual formation of an independent
state.
These stories must not be
forgotten. Not just to mourn what was lost, but to guide what must come next.
Thank you!
This is the truth that every Oromo needs to know. Abysinia/Ethiopia has always been the same throughout history. Even those who came before these individuals and rose to prominence were eliminated. One best example is Gobena Dace. Those who openly resisted were murdered- Jaal Tadesse Birru is a prime example. Cosmetic and generational change that brought the resemblance of autonomy, are superficial and should not fool the Oromo. We deserve a country- not states in a colonial empire.
ReplyDeletePrecisely!!!!
ReplyDelete