(Published as part of the “Oromia Rising: Essays on Freedom and the Future” series. Everyone is invited to contribute. Send your contributions to bantii.qixxeessaa@gmail.com.)
By Gumaa Guddaa, MD
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Introduction The Oromo struggle for self-determination stands once again at a critical juncture. Amid growing resistance to the repressive nature of Ethiopia’s current regime, a concerning trend has emerged among Oromo activists: the belief that victory lies solely in toppling the ruling administration. While opposing state brutality is fully justified, reducing the Oromo cause to mere regime change risks repeating the historical failures of 1974, 1991, and 2018. |
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This article argues:
- Centering Oromo political strategy on removing
regimes instead of dismantling imperial structures is a strategic misstep.
- Historical patterns show that regime change without
structural transformation only recycles oppression.
- The Oromo struggle must remain focused on
independence and institution-building, regardless of who governs Ethiopia.
I. The Pitfall of Reducing the Struggle to Regime Change
1. Regimes Change — the System Persists
The Ethiopian state is not defined by individual rulers but
by a centralized imperial structure built on land expropriation, cultural
suppression, and political exclusion — legacies established under Menelik II
and perpetuated by successive governments.
Focusing solely on regime change confuses symptoms with root
causes. The real adversary of the Oromo people is the imperial system itself —
not merely those who temporarily control it.
2. Tactical Energy Without Strategic Vision
While outrage against a regime can generate momentum,
movements without long-term vision are easily co-opted or exhausted. Slogans
such as “Down with the regime!” may ignite protests but leave critical
questions unanswered:
- What replaces the regime?
- Who guarantees Oromo sovereignty?
- How do we avoid betrayal once more?
Lacking strategic clarity, movements remain reactive and
vulnerable to manipulation by more organized political forces.
II. Historical Lessons: 1974, 1991, and 2018
1. 1974 — The Derg: Revolution Hijacked
Oromo students and nationalists joined others in toppling
the monarchy. However, after the Derg seized power, Oromo institutions like the
Mecha-Tulema Association were dismantled, and their leaders persecuted. The
monarchy was replaced with military absolutism — not Oromo liberation.
2. 1991 — TPLF and the Illusion of Federalism
The OLF briefly joined the transitional government, but the
Tigrayan-led TPLF quickly sidelined it. A constitution promised federalism, but
in practice, Oromia remained under centralized control. Autonomy was a façade.
3. 2018 — The Qeerroo Movement and Its Undermining
The youth-led Qeerroo movement sparked nationwide resistance. Yet its momentum was hijacked. Oromo opposition groups were outlawed, Qeerroo leaders persecuted, and Oromia subjected to military rule. A new regime revived an old empire in disguise.
III. What the Oromo Struggle Must Reject
1. Regime Change Is Not Liberation
From 1991 to 2018, each power transition raised Oromo hopes
— only to crush them. Without structural transformation, new regimes inherit
and perpetuate old systems of domination.
2. Power Transitions Without Safeguards
In both historical transitions, Oromo actors were
superficially included and swiftly excluded. Neither legal protections nor
transitional agreements were secured. The result was renewed repression.
As the OLF-OLA gains momentum, we must act differently — not
just to be included, but to set the terms of engagement.
3. Internal Fragmentation and Personality Politics
Factionalism — over tactics, personalities, or legitimacy —
has repeatedly undermined the movement. These divisions enable the state to
exploit and suppress Oromo resistance.
The future requires generational unity, principled
discipline, and the rise of politically mature leadership.
IV. What Must Be Done — Regardless of Regime Change
1. Declare the Goal: Full Independence for Oromia
The Oromo cause is not about reform or autonomy within
Ethiopia — it is about full sovereignty over our land, people, language,
economy, and political destiny.
This vision, articulated since the 1970s by the OLF, must
now be reclaimed, modernized, and pursued with clarity — not hidden for
short-term convenience.
2. Build Robust Oromo Institutions
Liberation requires strong institutions:
- Develop a disciplined and united liberation force
(OLF-OLA or its successor) with strategic focus and internal
accountability.
- Strengthen Oromo-led institutions — media, civil
society, youth and women’s organizations, and diaspora networks — to
sustain the national cause.
- Promote a democratic culture rooted in the gadaa
system, updated for modern governance.
3. Prepare for a Post-Empire Future
To avoid repeating past mistakes, we must:
- Demand transitional justice for decades of
repression, dispossession, and cultural erasure.
- Draft a roadmap for an independent Oromia — including
constitutional frameworks, citizenship criteria, and economic policies.
- Establish firm red lines in engagement with Ethiopia
or international actors: the right to independence is non-negotiable.
4. Build Strategic — Not Opportunistic — Alliances
Alliances must advance liberation, not delay it:
- Collaborate with other colonized or marginalized
groups (e.g., Sidama, Somali, Tigray, Southern nations) on the basis of
mutual recognition and shared self-determination.
- Approach Ethiopianist and Habesha elites with
caution: unless they unequivocally support Oromia’s right to independence
and cease anti-Oromo rhetoric, they remain adversaries.
Conclusion: The Struggle Must Outlast the Regime
Empires do not collapse when leaders fall. They adapt,
reorganize, and retaliate. Without strategic clarity and institution-building,
the Oromo movement risks watching yet another regime inherit the same chains.
We must shift from reaction to redefinition. From demanding
inclusion to organizing for exit.
The Oromo people do not need new masters — we need freedom.
“Those who do not learn from history are doomed to repeat
it. But those who learn it too late are doomed to repeat it faster.”
Let us not be late again.
References
- Jalata,
Asafa. Oromo Nationalism and the Ethiopian Discourse: The Search for
Freedom and Democracy. University Press of America, 1996.
- Hassen,
Mohammed. The Oromo and the Christian Kingdom of Ethiopia. James
Currey, 2015.
- Amnesty
International. “Beyond Law Enforcement: Human Rights Violations by
Ethiopian Security Forces in Oromia.” May 2020.
- Human
Rights Watch. “Ethiopia: No Justice in Crackdown on Oromo Protest.”
October 2019.
- Oromo
Liberation Front. “Political Program of the OLF,” 1976.
- Amnesty
International. “Political Detainees and Prisoners of Conscience,”
AFR 25/001/1986.
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